PSYCHIATRY
AND “DRUG PROHIBITION”*
Baldomero
Cáceres Santa Maria M.A.
Social
Psychologist
“Drug Prohibition”
The policy of an
international prohibition on a series of dissimilar substances, which are
called “drugs” without any differentiation, now followed by the majority of
states, whether or not they have signed the international conventions,
constitutes a characteristic phenomenon of our time. It is not a spontaneous
and coincidental political phenomenon, grown from the needs felt by diverse
societies. Begun almost a century ago with the 1909 Shangai conference and
continued with the so-called Opium Convention (The Hague, 1912), prohibition
was at first directed against opium at the behest of diplomats from the United
States, which by then had already begun to restrict the authorized use of
opiates as well as cocaine domestically. (Pure Food and Drug Act, 1906).
It is important to note the
effort at suppression fell initially on natural psychoactive substances that
until then had been accepted by academic medicine, as Szasz (1975) pointed out.
A reminder of this in the case of coca is the monumental work of Golden W.
Mortimer, a New York doctor and historian, Peru, History of Coca,
“The Divine Plant of the Incas,” published in 1901, a condensed version of which
appeared in a French edition for doctors in 1904. It is also worth noting that
despite the republication of the orginal version in 1975 and its translation
into French in 1992, there still exists no Spanish language edition.
From its reading, in the
first place one sees the good clinical sense of the U.S. doctors of that
period, since they showed an appreciation of the virtues of coca in their
professional practice while it was in style, as is shown in the questionnaires
sent out by Dr. Mortimer and whose results are found in the appendix.[1] At the same time, nonetheless, as the author noted, a
conspiracy that would lead to the exclusion of coca from the list of the
world’s most prized crops was growing. The Hague Convention of 1912, improperly
called the “Opium Convention,” also internationalized the regulation of the
production and commerce in coca, upon including within it “cocaine and its salts.” The convention, agreed to by Peru in 1913,
was ratified at the Treaty of Versailles. At the end of the Second World War,
the United Nations assumed the task of championing the prohibitionist campaign,
a task accepted by a most diverse set of governments: democracies,
dictatorships and totalitarian states—fascism, nazism, and communism, all
alike. The creation of the World Health Organization provided a “scientific”
forum that exercised decisive power through its Expert Committee on Drugs
Liable to Produce Addiction[2], which, in 1952 and 1953 ordered that traditional
Andean coca use “must be” considered a form of “cocainism,” based on
information provided by the Coca Leaf Study Commission of the United Nations
(Report, 1950).
The Single Convention on
Narcotic Drugs (New York, 1961) defined the nature of drug control, including
among other objectives, the eradication within 25 years of the long-lived
traditional use of coca and the coca plant itself (Erythroxylum coca, E. novogranatense)[3]. Because of pressure from the United States (Cáceres,
1977, 1989; Cotler, 1999), in 1978 Peru enacted DL 22095, known as the “Drug
Law,” a law that considers traditional use of coca “a social problem.” That law
remains in effect.
The economic, social, and
political consequences of this policy have been profund: A vast underground economy
that launders ill-gotten money through the thousand and one resources of the
financial system[4]; societies divided between the conventional sectors -
especially those dependent on the state apparatus, including the universities
and the justice system - reinforced by the permanent presence of the campaign
against “drugs” in the mass media, which broadcasts the official propaganda,
and the hundreds of millions of satisfied users who must hide themselves,
because there is personal stigmatization even when prohibited use is
decriminalized; conformity by political actors who don’t know how to reverse
this policy and because of that, downplay the importance of the business even
as they are aware of the conflicts it generates, as has happened in the Andean
region. Internationally, “prohibition” has been converted into a “war,”
supported by the government of the United States, which has the habit of
involving itself in the internal affairs of the other countries, since it seems
legitimate to do so for the public health, the “reason” it cites.
It is the United States,
with the permanent support of the United Kingdom, that sends and controls its
“secret agents” into countries significantly involved in the production or
transit of the prohibited substances, especially when it assumes those
substances are destined to supply its own population. This is the case in the
Andean region, where the cultivation of the coca plant, limited to traditional
and industrial uses by national legislation to comply with international accords,
has been at the service of the multi-million dollar cocaine business. Peru was
the world’s largest producer of coca for more than a decade (1980-1994), until
Colombia took the lead with its extensive and well cared for plantations,
replacing the lesser cultivation in Bolivia and Peru. Although Peru’s decrease
has been maintained, the recent bump up in the price of coca leaf brings with
it the fear that the offensive against coca in Colombia will bring a return of
the old situation and will we once again be known as a “cocaine country” (narcoestado), and once again afflicted by the violence that grows
as a strategic smokescreen behind which the business prospers.
Prohibition as a “social
fact”
The “prohibition of drugs”
has been recently characterized as “a system of state power extended worldwide.
Global prohibition is, in Durkheim’s terms, a ‘social fact’”[5]. It is a “social fact” that describes the situation
in all its broad variety, from the extreme criminalization in the United States
that holds nearly half a million prisoners for drug possession or small sales,
to Holland with its pragmatic policy of decriminalizing the sale of marijuana
in certain establishments (“coffee
shops”), in order to prevent the
worse harm of its criminalization and resulting link with the much smaller
world of the so-called “hard” drugs, as heroin and cocaine are considered to
be.
While Levine did not fail
to ask about the reasons for the generalization of “drug prohibition” as the
most widely accepted and legitimated state policy no matter what type of
government, he paid little attention to the fact that every “social fact”
nonetheless has its genesis. Upon asking oneself the reasons for this
acceptance, while of course one accepts that in practice it is because of the diplomatic
pressure of the United States, one finds that “drug prohibition” has spread
because it was and is useful and functional for every government. With
prohibition, the state increases its military and police powers and through the
demonization of the substances themselves — achieved through the mass media —
converts prohibition into a unifying social crusade, supposedly humanitarian,
that demands the adherence of politicians, church men, educators, communicators
and all others with a “romance with the state,” as Levine put it, with the
state esteemed as the highest arbiter of service to the public welfare.
Lastly, Levine showed the
instrumental role of the United Nations in the generalization of the U.S.
policy. Within it, apparently, has grown an acceptance of the “harm reduction”
movement, which attempts to moderate the negative effects of prohibition
through tolerance and regulation, as with the distribution of needles or even
the prescribed administration of injected heroin, as is done in Holland and
Switzerland. In the name of “harm reduction,” for example, in the United States
George Soros has led a compassionate and well thought-out campaign advocating —
through the Lindesmith Center and later the Drug Policy Alliance — the use of
marijuana for various illnesses with a doctor’s approval. Either because of a
forced respect toward the system (the psychiatric establishment) or because of
a pragmatic focus, the habitual or “recreational,” if you wish, use of
marijuana is omitted. This with a plant that was so successfully grown in
California in the late 1960s and then spread across the United States by the
1980s that by the turn of the millennium there was enough domestic production
to supply tens of millions of cannabis aficionados who, because of the weight
of the repressive laws, cannot be free citizens, if we remember that, in the
words of José Martí, “freedom is the right of all men to be honorable, and to
think and speak without hypocrisy.”
For Levine, as he noted
later, “harm reduction” constitutes a tolerant and pragmatic approach. It
assumes that prohibition is not going to disappear soon and because of that it
is reasonable and responsible to try to mitigate the damage it causes.[6]
The Justification of Prohibition
Although Levine’s
penetrating analysis points out decisive factors in the establishment and
maintenance of the adopted policy, one can distinguish two intimately linked
lacunae. The first is to place the policy’s beginning in the 1920s, centering
it in the United States[7], and ignoring the stage of decisive change at the end
of the 19th Century and the beginning of the 20th, which is considered the
initial period by those who have dealt with this subject, beginning with Thomas
Szasz in his “Ceremonial Chemistry” in 1975. The second, linked with the first,
was to be unaware of the basis by which prohibition grounded itself in public
opinion in the 20th Century, an aspect generally omitted by analysts interested
in the topic. The public campaigns against “vice” carried out by the mass media
were not enough, nor was the stirring of the “temperance” groups in the United
States — cause commonly cited. (Musto, 1987). The necessary support came when
the discrediting of alcohol, opium, cocaine, and marijuana became accepted and
diffused in psychiatric works of the forerunners of what would attempt to
become a medical specialty (above all Emil Kraepelin), who stigmatized their
use as “drug addiction,” at the time that diverse psychological theories (Freud
and followers, orthodox and heterodox) grew to explain the malaise of modern
culture and grant to rationalism an interpretive faith in the avatars of life
that it was lacking because of secularization.
Since then, users of
“mind-altering,” “addictive” substances have been claimed as part of the clientele
of psychiatry, completely ignoring their own opinions and their public image; a
clear discounting of human rights. This brings with it a practical consequence:
The restrictions imposed on the commercialization of such substances remain
justified, just as does the imposition of forced psychiatric treatment, without
taking note of the negative consequences of the stigma that sustains
prohibition and fills the North American jails.
Only the recent advances in
cognitive neuroscience and the modern technology for the exploration of
cerebral functioning are finally orienting psychopharmacology, reducing the
harm produced by traditional psychiatric practice, which for most of the last
century retained its undeserved scientific prestige. But not only did it rule
over its clientele, voluntary and involuntary. In the name of “mental health,”
against which it worked in theory and in practice, psychiatry arrogated to
itself the classificatory power that stigmatized millions of human beings and
keeps them stigmatized to this day. To disqualify medicinal plants for the
nervous system used by medicine throughout the 19th Century was almost a
professional requisite, so to say, for the existence of psychiatry itself and
of the psychotherapies created to “cure” the problems associated with the
absence of such natural resources.
Prohibition, we must
insist, was and is the result of psychiatric discourse placed at the service of
social control by the police state and by the corresponding ideology of the
20th Century, (Szasz, 1975), that of “the
philanthropic ogre” (Paz,
1979). To omit this fact, as is generally the case, impedes really restating
the theoretical basis of “the drug
problem”, which would involve
authentic scientific knowledge based on reason and experience.[8] If that were to occur, prohibition could be restated
and the change would be sudden.
Coca and its Condemnation
Differing from Levine, who
as a sociologist limits himself to the “social fact” of “drug prohibition” without disaggregating it in any way, my argument
passes from the fact of prohibition to its history, taking as the connecting
thread the official stigmatization of Andean coca use after the ruling by the
World Health Organization’s Committee of Experts on Drugs of Abuse, which in
1952-53 decided that it must consider the traditional habit as a form of “drug psychosis” or “addiction”, a category of phantasmagoric psychiatric
psychopathology, as I discussed in a first treatment of this subject[9].
In effect, such condemnation
has a perfectly reconstructible documentary history in the Report of the Study Commission on Coca Leaf (Lake Success, 1950), commissioned by the United
Nations Economic and Social Council (UNESCO). With that Report,
the World Health Organization, through its Committee of Experts, tried to end
the review of the pertinent information. In the 28th session of the World
Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence, a critical review of
the case of coca was rejected, based on the information already gathered and
the ruling already made, in spite of the revalorization coca has seen in
Bolivia and Peru[10].
Medicine and
Psychiatry
A first reading of the Report
presented by the Commission shows, within the bibliography collected and annotated
by Dr. P.O. Wolf, an exclusion of medical testimonies from the 19th Century
that talked about the benefits derived from coca use and were gathered by
Mortimer (1901). Among those ignored was the Dissertation on the Character, Cultivation, Commerce and Virtues of
Peru’s Famous Plant Called Coca that
Dr. Hipólito Unanue published in the Mercurio
Peruano[11], a report that was widely read as much in the United
States as in Europe, and whose dissemination would lend academic support to
coca and would be taken advantage of for industrial uses by pharmaceutical
firms (Parke, Davis and Co.; Merck) and others (Vin Mariani produced
by Angelo Mariani in Paris; Coca
Cola in Atlanta). Doctor Wolf
took charge of discrediting the excellent compilation of medical knowledge
thanks to Mortimer (1901), noting that “you can simply pass this by”[12].
The omission of Unanue’s report would also have to be
later justified by Dr. Wolf, in an article he submitted to be presented in the Narcotics
Bulletin[13], noting
that in the works of Hermilio Valdizán[14],
founding father of Peruvian psychiatry, he had written about an “agricultural study” entitled “Coca cultivation”, although Wolf had
written the complete title of Unanue’s Dissertation.
The Report’s “bibliography,” on the other hand,
gathered fully and uncritically all of the psychiatric work produced on the
subject, making clear from the beginning through its adopted vocabulary the
psychopathologizing orientation that animated it. The Andean habit was
described erroneously as “chewing coca”,
since coca is not chewed but exudes its juice in the side of the mouth, was
called “cocaism” by P.O. Wolf, a
modification and repetition of Valdizán’s sentence about “indigenous cocainism,” which began this whole absurd, Kafkian
process. It isn’t enough to say that the presumed scientific investigations
that supported the negative Report of
the Study Commission were works driven by Kraepelian scholastic prejudice
against cocaine, which its members took on faith. Erroneous conceptualizations
and questionable investigative methods, which appear ridiculous today, served
as the basis of the Report that led
the WHO Committee of Experts to impose the sanctions it adamantly maintained in
1992.[15].
Cocaine.
Behind the judgment on coca that followed the end of the
1940s lay the presence of the previous condemnation of cocaine, which in turn
is questionable even in its origin. This task has been made possible by the
1975 publication of Sigmund Freud’s Cocaine Papers, thanks to the
interest of Professor Robert Byck and the authorization of Anna Freud, daughter
of the creator of psychoanalysis. The story of the events that occurred in
Vienna between 1884 and 1887 shows us that the stigmatization of cocaine was
the result of an extrapolation by a neuropsychiatry alarmed by the sad result
that Freud had had with a distinguished colleague and friend, to whom he
presribed cocaine injections to liberate him from a morphine habit (Erlenmeyer,
1885). From Erlenmeyer and his reaction it has become commonplace today to call
the alkaloid “a scourge”, a
contention that soon after provided support for Kraepelin (1891) to refer to “cocainism”
as the anxiety or desire to consume it, given its “toxic” nature.
As experimental psychology has been demonstrating, from
Külpe (1904) through Bruner (1949, 1955), our attitude determines the
fundamental act of perception, identification, recognition or categorization.
As a function of such identification, the object is analyzed, its
characteristics determined. Thus, the seductive power of prejudices, which
condition our perspective. Psychiatric prejudice has since then remade itself
in the public gaze.
The coca leaf, perceived as nutritional and medicinal
plant until the growth of the psychiatric discourse (Mortimer, 1901), was
reclassified as a dangerous drug by the “addiction”
provoked by “cocaine,” contained
in its leaves —“cocainism”. That
would be the “active substance” named
by 20th Century pharmacology as being responsible for its most notable effects:
local anesthetic, and at the same time, central nervous system stimulant. We
should recall that in Freud’s first essay, “Über
Coca” (1884), he had assumed the same point of departure by attributing the
known virtues of the leaf to the alkaloid extracted from them: “Cocaine and its salts are preparations that
have all the effects, or at least the most essential, of the coca leaf.” [16]
Such initial and shared reductionism also allowed the
arbitrary carry over of the condemnation of cocaine to the leaf itself, never considering
that it is an organic compound. To that effect, whether by “congruence” (Osgood &Tannenbaum,1955) or “consonance” (Festinger, 1957), it was necessary to bury the
earlier reports that talked of its benefits. The United Nations’ Report can, in other words, be
legitimately questioned for having hidden evidence. To update the scientific
evidence would imply the recuperation of such information and the gathering of
recent basic researches that have not been incorporated into the United
Nations’ coca archive nor taken into account by the World Health Organization.
The coca leaf as a
nutritional supplement
Sigmund Freud thought he had found in cocaine the
stupendous stimulant required: “Many doctors have thought that cocaine can
occupy an important place among the series of drugs that psychiatrists
administer. It is well known that they have a broad gamut of products that
allow them to help their patients to reduce central nervous system excitation,
but that there is nothing to augment the diminished function of those centers.”
It was, in the medical language of the age, the ideal remedy for “neurasthenia”
(Beard, 1868).
It is not unusual that the pharmacological reductionism
adopted by Freud upon wanting to see in cocaine “the authentic agent of the coca leaf’s effects” was facilitated by
the level of analysis at which chemistry had arrived, as Freud himself noted in
his monograph, “Über Coca: “According to
the researches of the chemists, coca leaves contain some other substances that
have not yet been discovered.”
Nonetheless, little by little the organic composition of
coca was analyzed, arriving at the point that in its own 1950 Report, the United Nations Economic and
Social Council’s Commission of Enquiry recognized that, like any other plant,
coca contained various nutrients, vitamins, and minerals, especially calcium,
without taking this into account because the dominion exercised by the
pharmacological-psychiatric discourse reduced coca to cocaine.
In 1965, Carlos Collazos-Chiriboga, then director of the
Peruvian Ministry of Health’s Institute of Nutrition, published a report called
“Coca Use and Nutrition”, which didn’t get the recognition it deserved because
by then the silencing of the theme had already begun, given that coca was
destined for extinction. In the absence of a critical diplomacy that would
question the assumptions of the prohibitionist treaties, the Peruvian
government has accepted such a measure by signing the Single Convention on
Narcotic Drugs (New York, 1961).
Dr. Collazos’ decisive contribution to the consideration
of the coca leaf as a food was to experimentally demonstrate the extraction, “relevant, certainly, of various important
nutrients,” and especially the use of carotene, prized in blood plasma, in
traditional coca use. His primary conclusion was to show that “it contains various nutritional substances,
some of them in noticeable proportions,” but that “its association with cocaine is a major impediment for its use.”
The analysis of the coca leaf accomplished by Duke, Aulik
and Plowman (1975) demonstrated the leaf’s great nutritional richness compared
with that of the 50 most important food plants in Latin America. They found
specific values that led them to emphasize its importance: One hundred grams of
coca leaf would satisfy the minimum recommended daily requirements in calcium,
phosphorus, vitamin A, and riboflavin, for men and women.
Neither the scientific findings already mentioned nor the
critiques coming from within the United States itself (Martín R., 1970; Weil A.,
1972, 1975; Grinspoon L. and Bakalar J, 1976) altered the official and
psychiatric understanding of the Andean aliment, which explains the
promulgation of Law 22095 (1978) — still in effect — which in its initial
consideration qualified Andean coca use as a “social problem.” The academic response came without delay and made
itself felt months later in América Indígena 4 (1978), the prestigious
journal of the Inter-American Indigenous Institute[17]. The
research undertaken in Bolivia by William Carter and Mauricio Mamani[18],
gathering basic information in the universe of traditional coca users, didn’t
manage to alter either the substitutionist policy imposed by the international
legislation that excluded the reality of coca as a food of the Andean world or
the view of the psychiatrist world, which continues considering coca “a dangerous drug.”
Marihuana and opium
poppy
While the history of the discrediting of marihuana (Cannabis
indica, sativa) and of the opium poppy (Papaver somniferum) does not
include an official record from the United Nations, as was the case with the
coca leaf, it would be easy to confirm the purely psychiatric origin of their
discrediting through historical studies similar to those followed in the case
of the Andean plant. It would be enough to move from contemporary science to
its history, as Thomas Kuhn recommended in his illuminating book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1964).
It will be understood then how psychopathologizing prejudice, taken on
officially and diffused through official propaganda, thanks to the prestige
granted to psychiatry, is imposed on a medical knowledge that always considered
them useful traditional medicines for the nervous system.
To confirm this, it is sufficient to review the precious
information shared by Szasz in his Ceremonial Chemistry, the ritual
persecution of drugs, addicts and pushers, published in 1973, a book that
gained only marginal attention in the most serious journals, given the
consequences that adopting his denunciation of “addiction” as a pseudo-medical diagnosis would have. As Szasz
noted, in 1885 the Report of the Royal
Opium Commission compared opium with liquor, and the 1894 Report of Indian Hemp Drug Commission,
under the charge of the British government, concluded that “the regular, moderate use of ganja or bhang produces the same effect
as regular, moderate doses of whiskey.” Indian hemp and the opiates indeed
have and have had an assured place in the approved pharmacopoeia. As Thomas
Szasz noted, “the mythology of psychiatry
has corrupted not only our common sense and the law, but also our language and
our pharmacology”. That distorts policy and misinforms public opinion,
which certainly would support the modification of the laws if it recognizes
prohibited plants as traditional psychoactive medicinal plants.
Conclusion
The review of the official information on coca leaf in the
United Nations, from the Report of the Commission of Enquiry on the Coca Leaf
(1950), shows the evident distortion of the of the psychiatric “gaze” that
discards or ignores the validity of earlier medical reports, of which the
“Annotated Bibliography” of the abovementioned Report constitutes a documentary proof. The “paradigm” of “chronic
intoxication” or “addiction”
established as “mental disease” deserving
of treatment, helped maintain the dogmatic prohibition of the United States,
converted thus into the exportable patron of its international policy
(Nadelmann, 1988).
Independent of the nefarious economic, social, and
political consequences of the global crusade, which are paid especially by the
producing countries, they impose the questioning of the current “established disorder” strictly for
health reasons. Humanity’s reappropriation of plants that have medicinal uses
for the nervous system, but which have been stigmatized by psychiatric
scholasticism, would allow the peaceful reordering of the producing countries
and, at the same time, a true education for properly using them with
trustworthy medical information. It would be the best manner of responding to
the challenge of unregulated and sometimes clandestine use of legal and illegal
drugs since it would address, in a natural way, the nervous system’s selective
appetite for the particular nutrients provided by the plants[19].
Coming out from the shadows maintained by the discrediting
psychiatric doctrine, the users of prohibited plants can demand our right to
count on the regular supply of the preferred plants, on the order and magnitude
of cocoa, coffee, or tea. The traditional producing countries, face to face
with the developed ones, would have to back their potential agro industry to
find a place in the global market for those great and precious natural
resources whose use is backed by respectable ways and traditions.
Cartagena
de las Indias, June 20, 2003
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Levine, Harry G Global drug prohibition: its uses and
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2003, Pages 145-153 :
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Maier’s Experience,
taken from Oléron, Pierre Les Attitudes dans les Activités
Intellectuelles, Les Attitudes,
Presses Universitaires de France,1961
Instruction
Join the 9 points by means of four straight lines drawn without lifting the pencil or going back over them. It constitutes a good illustration of what is meant by “frame of reference”.
Traslated by Phil Smith
DRCNet
[1] The questionnaire asked about coca’s
physiological action and therapeutic applications. It was sent to 5,000
physicians, of whom 1206 responded. Of that number, 369 made direct
observations about using coca, including as a food.
[2] Now called the Expert Committee on Drug
Dependence
[3] It should be noted that they made an exception
for production designed to obtain a flavoring agent containing no alkaloids,
thus saving the fortune of Coca Cola, which has continued using coca
leaf as part of its secret formula. (Pendergrast,1993).
[4] An economy habitually ignored by formal
economists, with the well-known exception of Milton Friedman, who because of
his studies has for decades advocated for legalization as one of the solutions
to global problems. Because of its clandestine nature, there exists
insufficient information to allow the treatment the subject is due.
[5]
Levine, Harry G. The
Secret of Worldwide Drug Prohibition: The Varieties and Uses of Drug
Prohibition, THE
INDEPENDENT REVIEW, Fall 2002.
[6]
Levine, Harry G Global drug prohibition: its
uses and crises. International Journal of
Drug Policy
Vol 14, Issue. 2, April 2003, Pages 145-153:
“Harm reduction offers a radically tolerant and pragmatic approach to both
drug use and drug prohibition. It assumes that neither are going away anytime
soon and suggests therefore that reasonable and responsible people try to
persuade those who use drugs, and those who use drug prohibition, to minimise
the harms that their activities produce”.
[7] In Levine’s earlier analysis, cited above: “ U. S. federal drug prohibition began in 1920
as a subset of U. S. federal alcohol prohibition.”
[8] A problem without solution is a problem ill
conceptualized because of the mind’s own limitations. Maier’s “irresolvable”
problem, which we examine after the bibliography, is illustrative in that
respect.
[9] Cáceres Santa María, Baldomero La Coca, el Mundo Andino y los extirpadores de idolatrías del siglo XX, América Indígena 4, Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, México, 1978
[10] WHO Expert Committee on Drug Dependence, 28th Report, Technical Report Series
836, Geneva, 1993
[11] An illustrious figure in Peruvian medicine, he
was a minister for José de San Martín at the birth of the republic. That same
year saw published in The American Journal of Science and Arts, vol
III , New Haven (1821), a summary
of his communications to Samuel L. Mitchill on the virtues of coca.
[12] A detailed analysis of the bibliography in
Cáceres (1990) and Díaz (1998).
[13]
Wolf, Pablo O. General Considerations on the Problem
of Coca-Leaf Chewing, Bulletin on
Narcotics 1952, Issue 2
[14] Valdizán, Hermilio El
cocainismo y la raza indígena, La Crónica Médica, Lima, 15 de agosto de
1913.
Dr. Valdizán, creator of
the Chair in Psychiatry in the School of Medicine of Lima’s Universidad Mayor
de San Marcos, gave the initial and decisive support for the demonization of
Andean coca use with his alarming article.
[15] See the diverse critiques in Diaz (1998).
[16] Freud, Sigmund Cocaine Papers, Edited by Robert Byck,
New York, Stonehill, 1974
[17] In 1978, in London, Mama Coca was published. Written by Antonil (pseudonym of Anthony R. Henman), it was translated into Spanish and published under the author’s name by La Oveja Negra, Bogota,1982. Also in hisbol-VBD, La Paz, 1992.
[18] Carter, W.; Mamani, M. Coca en Bolivia, Edit. Juventud, La Paz, 1986
[19] Habit shared by the animal kingdom, as Giorgio Samorini reminds us in “Animales que se drogan” (Animals that get high), Ed. Cáñamo, Barcelona, .2003.
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