SOCIOLOGY OF THE CANNABIS SATIVA
Jorge Atilio Silva Lulianelli
Koinonia-Presença Ecumênica e Serviço, Brasil
ABSTRACT
The narcobusiness in one
of the most productive activities of modern capitalism. Estimates are that
global organized-crime activities amount to approximately a trillion dollars a
year. Just the narcobusiness itself, or drug
trafficking, amounts to about 411 billion dollars. In 1998, estimates were that
the cannabis trade amounted to approximately 41.5 billion dollars. We are
therefore dealing with a very profitable business which moves enormous amounts
of money to be reinvested in legal activities, such as construction and cattle
ranching, and in illegal activities such as weapons' contraband, for example.
This is economically terrifying. Apparently, one cannot consider the global
economy without these resources. The marihuana case is very interesting in this
sense. Marihuana is the most-consumed drug in our contemporary world. Estimates
are that over 144 million people −2.42% of the world population−-
consume it. Of the 134 countries which informed in the year 2000 on the fact
that forbidden crops were grown on their territories, 96% of them grow
marihuana. This data is not surprising. It signals a productive activity which
has been incorporated into the functioning of the system as a whole.
Theoretical studies put forward the need to
consider recent narcoproduction processes as a phase
in capitalist production. In fact, they state that the current phase of drug
production constitutes an agribusiness production model. In order to carry out
a sociological analysis of cannabis plantings five steps are required: 1-
Firstly, a characterization of the model of peasant production which developed
into narcoplantings; this step must take into
consideration information regarding social relations built historically for narcoproduction to take hold and the specific difficulties
of information on cannabis plantings. 2- Secondly, we should observe the
process by means of which this mode of peasant production has been incorporated
into the illicit agribusiness sector. 3- Thirdly, we need to understand the
insertion processes of these narcoplantings into the
world economy and the local economy as the construction of economic and power
networks. 4- Fourthly, we should identify the processes by which cannabis
plantings are subjected to certain types of social and police control, and
consider the implications of this control. 5- Lastly, to solely cover the
agribusiness aspect of cannabis plantations, we should state some
considerations regarding the specific case of the Marihuana Polygon (Poligono da Maconha)
as a mirror of a peasant integration process into agricultural narcoproduction and as a strategy for peasant survival.
Considerations on Jorge Atilio Silva’s research document
Dario González
Posso
Jorge Atilio Silvas's article contains some very interesting information
regarding the sociology of marihuana crops in Brazil. Although this is not a
comparative study, this research could be useful to interpret the crops issue
in other countries such as Colombia, where the largest coca crop growing areas
are currently found. It could be used to identify similarities and differences
between the two scenarios: Brazil and Colombia.
The most important coincidences are tied to the
existence in both countries of deep agrarian crises, unequal land and property distribution,
macroeconomic policies which have adversely affected peasant production and the
destruction of traditional peasant economies. Mega projects in Brazil,
particularly in the northeastern region, are, as in the case of Colombia,
causing forced displacement.
In the face of the voracity of agrarian capitalism
and the impact of policies implemented by the consecutive governments which
have led the peasant economy to extreme poverty, peasant growers of proscribed
crops in northeastern Brazil −like those in Colombia− are hostages
to survival strategies; among others, subsistence ties to proscribed crops.
There is a coincidence between the application of these neoliberal
policies, peasant impoverishment and the development of crops used for illicit
purposes. We might, however, add that such conditions are not the sole
consideration when interpreting the phenomenon since there are countries were
these selfsame factors is to be found and yet peasants do not turn to these
crops. This is something which should be studied. Independent of the
interpretation of the causes, is also true that both in Brazil and Colombia,
apart from the aforementioned structural factors and unfavorable public
policies, peasants tied to proscribed crops are also the hostages of narcobusiness impresarios and narcotics traffickers. It is these
businessmen who control a good part of the productive and supply side of the operations;
they control transformation processes, drug marketing and traffic and earn the
profits. Meanwhile, the peasants suffer the greatest risks for insignificant
profits. As if this were not enough, in the case of Colombia, the peasantry is
also subjected to economic pressure, under the power and violence of the
country's armed actors that profit from the illegal economy.
One basic difference with the situation in Brazil
is, undoubtedly, the existence in Colombia of an internal armed conflict and
the ties of this war economy to the drug economy. This economy has some
well-defined actors, namely, the irregular armed groups (paramilitaries and
insurgency). Accordingly, proposals such as Henrys Salgado's for withdrawing
peasants and their labor from the hands narcotics traffickers should be
complemented by the idea pulling the peasants out from the war economy. This,
however, cannot be done through more war, through aggression or forced
eradication, fumigation and incrimination. It has to be the outcome of peaceful
alternatives geared at recovering peasant economy.
Agrarian crisis, land concentration, and an absence
of public policies geared at protecting peasant economy, forced displacement,
all come together in Brazil as of the expansion of the marijuana crops in the
"Polygon da maconha"
within the framework of system which articulates local, interregional and
international economies. These are the issues dealt with by Atilio
Silva.
Translated from Spanish MM Moreno
Mama Coca
www.mamacoca.iorg